Thursday, April 25, 2013

[轉貼]Hou Hanru: Time For Alternatives

http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-0302/msg00130.html

Time For Alternatives
By Hou Hanru

In fact, the question of art institution's relevance is becoming increasingly crucial and urgent today. In our age, art equates art event. If the artwork is to be effectively presented, it needs to be part of an art event. We are now living in the society of communication. Spectacle is the form. The spectacle, or the event, is the very horizon and the bottom line of "reality." To hold an event, the institution is an indispensable physical condition. More importantly, it is also the ideological foundation. What kind of institution should be created is now the crucial question. This is because the institution is the central element in the power system, or mechanism, that defines the notion and the boundary of art itself. "Where do you show your work?" has become a more telling question than "What kind of work do you make?"

The question of the global versus the local is now the central issue in artistic and cultural debates. However, the global and the local are not separate entities positioned to fight against each other. Instead, they are two sides of the same coin. They are mutually binding and stimulate each other, creating a continuously changing and increasingly open world. There is no global without the local. The two are deeply interwoven and from their merging new differences arise. In this process of producing new localities the global is constantly being reformulated as a "summary" of the multitude of singular new localities. No place in the world today is immune from this turbulent movement. It makes our lives much more exciting, and of course, challenging. Art and cultural activities are driving forces of this formidable transformation, and they typically embody all the advantages and all the problems of this global-local negotiation. Every event should result in the production of new localities in the context of globalisation.[1] Cultural differences and diversities are produced by positioning the event directly in the local context. Discourse on cultural differences-especially those of non-Westerners-and their equal right to exist in and influence the global scene seems to be the commonly accepted new virtue. The production of new localities in order to make them significant in the modern world, or to generate different modernities, is the very root and aim of the actions of artists, from different parts of the world, participating in the "global scene."

Further, it internally challenges and alters the established definition and boundary of art itself because it tends to be (1) multi-transdisciplinary, (2) multi-transcultural, and (3) a merging of art and real life to generate new distinctions between private and public spaces. This generates new paradigms of art language, which is by nature immaterial, fluid, flexible, ephemeral, and constantly changing. These paradigms echo the current geopolitical situation in which the Empire exists in a virtual but real, fluid, and omnipresent network, in a shifting in-between space that thrives on the hybridity and conflicts of cultures and identities.[2] This should be capable of carrying out efficient strategies of critique, resistance, and transgression against the hegemonic power of the Empire. However, the mainstream "global art world," or the dominant art institutions, still remain in the high-modernist tradition of the white cube and post-minimalist, post-conceptualist forms. This "transcendent" physicality constitutes a hegemonic ideology and practice paradigm. This centralized power controls the definition, the boundary, of contemporary art and propagates it across the world as if it were the "universal truth," the only legitimated way, of "global" art.

Against such a background, resistance to this hegemony becomes necessary and urgent, especially in places where new local identities are facing the pressure of globalising powers. This resistance naturally generates and articulates new forms of action and organization fundamentally different from those of the establishment. In fact, a great number of initiatives already have been launched and promoted, and they strongly emphasize the philosophy of "Do-It-Yourself." Indeed, DIY communities and self-organizations are the main source of sustainability, the main force in the revival and continued development of today's post-planning cities. The creation and development of alternative art spaces is a perfect example. Hakim Bey's Temporary Autonomous Zone (TAZ)[3] shifts constantly between the existing centre and the periphery, creating a kind of "emptiness" that subverts the established order. T.A.Z., according to Hakim Bey, is "a certain kind of 'free enclave'" resisting to the mainstream, State power structure. It's "an essay ('attempt'), a suggestion, almost a poetic fancy" that encourages "Uprising", or, "insurrection" against the State power. It's situated beyond all kinds of established forms of organization and acts like uprising guerrilla. "The TAZ is like an uprising which does not engage directly with the State, a guerrilla operation which liberates an area (of land, of time, of imagination) and then dissolves itself to re-form elsewhere/else when, before the State can crush it." It's invisible, always shifting, "a microcosm of that 'anarchist dream' of a free culture." "The TAZ is an encampment of guerrilla ontologist: strike and run away." "The TAZ has a temporary but actual location in time and a temporary but actual location in space. But clearly it must also have 'location' in the Web." At the end, "The TAZ is somewhere. It lies at the intersection of many forces, like some pagan power - spot at the junction of mysterious ley-lines, visible to the adept in seemingly unrelated bits of terrain, landscape, flows of air, water, animals." It can bring about ultimate liberation "on the condition that we already know ourselves as free beings."

This approach resonates with the current global economic system, which is moving toward a new perspective that focuses on productivity rather than the production of objects. Driven by the development of new technologies, conventional modes of production and consumption have been altered and substituted by new paradigms. In different locales around the world, new autonomous zones of economic activities are being established that resist and at the same time contribute to the globalisation of dominant modes of production. These zones become an oppositional yet actively participatory force against the domination of state and global economic superpowers. Self-organizations such as international NGOs (Non-Governmental Organisations) are now counterparts to the established bureaucratic order, in which trans-national and global corporations push for the disintegration of national and continental borders and for the dissolution of state sovereignty. Under the imperial mantle of the new global economic-political power structure, the immediate challenge is how to preserve freedom of speech, to encourage critique, and to promote different modes of living and thinking. Anti-globalisation movements incarnated by the protests in Seattle, Genoa and currently in Johannesburg on the occasions of international conferences on economic development, ecological crisis, AIDS and other globally urgent issues are the most spectacular events of this kind of struggle while more down-to-earth, everyday actions are being carried out by NGO's across the world. These claims and struggles for economic and political transformation have a direct cultural consequence: it reveals the necessity of searching for and creating alternatives to the established cultural institution. This is particularly obvious when the economic and social tensions become explosive. Latin American countries have been suffering from regular economic and social crises in the last decade due to the imposition of ultra-liberal policies by the mainstream global economic institutions such as World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The current collapse of Argentina's economy is the most dramatic symptom of the crisis. Today, 60% of Argentineans are living below the line of poverty. To survive, highly interestingly, they organise themselves to develop a parallel and alternative economic exchange system, the "Trueque" (barter). "Trueque Clubs" are being formed across the country in which people are exchanging consumer goods and services with tickets of "creditos" instead of the official currency that only very few can have access to. This is becoming unexpectedly successful in terms of social solidarity. As a resistance model it's no doubt an inspiring example for us to think about economic, social and even cultural alternatives facing the pressure of globalisation. Even more interesting and inspiring is that some artists have already imagined and explored this alternative possibility in their projects before the Argentina crisis in order to re-endow art with its social engagement. The Colombian-Spanish group "Cambalache Collective" (with "unfixed" members like Carolina Caycedo, Adriana Garcia and Federico Guzman), in their "Museo de la Calle (the Street Museum)", started from Bogota in 1998 and active in many different cities in the world today, propose to the public to exchange their objects as the centre of their "installation/performance". This promotes "the idea of non-monetary exchange and barter as economic and cultural activities parallel to the mainstream. It also allows us to question the nature of social and human relationships in today's context dominated by money and market."[4] The Danish artist Jens Haaning, for his exhibition in Friart, Fribourg, Switzerland, last year, imported consumer goods from neighbouring countries where the taxes were much lower than in Switzerland and sold them at the original prices. The public can buy the same goods at a significantly lower prices than the normal prices in Switzerland. This clearly defies the legal system dictated by the monetary policy of the country. Equally concerned with the question of economic inequality, the Thai artists Surasi Kusolwong has been setting up markets of plastics goods imported from Thailand in European art institutions. The public can buy these goods, "imported" as art objects, at the "Minimal price" with great joy. In the meantime, questions of cultural differences, economic inequalities, social solidarity and global-local conflict, etc. are clearly brought up. These artists respond to the continuous social crisis of political-economic struggles, bringing to the fore conflicts between the concepts-strategies of immediacy/multiplicity and the stability of established norms. They have proposed new solutions to the global-capitalist problem. Similar to the above mentioned examples, at the 2002 Gwangju Biennale, the Mexico City based artists run gallery and working group Kurimanzutto realized a wonderful project that is extremely relevant to the non-western economic and social context. Ironically calling their piece "Friendly Capitalism", they set up a space with a blue carpet and a photocopy machine inside the exhibition hall. They made photocopies of the official Biennale catalogue and sold them to the public at a much lower price. By miming the piracy of information products-something largely welcomed by the local public as a means of access to information and new technologies-Kurimanzutto hit upon a fundamental problem in the logic of capitalist systems of production and communication. In fact, piracy and other alternative economic activities are the most efficient, and very often, the only available means for people from the non-West to access technological and economic progress

To explore the issues of economic exchange, cultural difference and hybridity in contemporary art, one must first and foremost consider the need to create alternative contexts, namely institutions, for art activity. Asia-Pacific provides a dynamic example of this transition in terms of integrating itself in the globalisation process and reinventing different modernities. The unprecedented speed of modernization and democratisation of society in this region has led to self-discovery and to a search for autonomous modes of living, thinking, and expression that stand in contrast to conservative and hegemonic political systems and social values. There are enthusiastic and fervent demands to put contemporary art from this region on the global map. This is achieved through two intimately linked directives: the creation of new infrastructures and conditions inside the region for the activities, and the exportation of these activities outside the region, especially in renowned "international arenas" such as major biennials and museums. This encourages the artists living in the region to develop new strategies, the most significant tendency being the creation and propagation of self-organized alternative spaces run by the art community.[5] Some individual artists like Judy Freya Sibayan from Philippines and Tsuyoshi Ozawa have been developing their "global networks" of nomad "institutions" such as "Scapular Galleries" and "Nasubi Galleries" to provide alternative spaces for the art world to manifest their imaginations and creativities beyond the established system. Other artists, working in more collective and communitarian manners, organise themselves together to set up self-organisations and exhibition spaces, etc. These organizations are extremely diverse, responding to the specific cultural, economic, and political conditions of their own localities and identifying the very need to be different. This new movement, from the very beginning, was born from the process of artists engaging themselves in the creation of new urban spaces and life styles in light of the impact of urban expansion-the most essential aspect of Asia-Pacific's modernization. Almost all self-organized artists' groups and spaces emerge in cities and evolve in their negotiations for particular positions in the urban life. They are often physically small, flexible, and continuously adapting to the conditions driven by urban development. Alternative spaces such as IT Park (Taipei), Para-site (Hong Kong), Project 304 (Bangkok), Loft (Beijing), About Caf (Bangkok), Big Sky Mind (Manila), Plastic Kinetic Worms (Singapore), Loop (Seoul), Pool (Seoul), Cemeti Art House (Jogyakarta), and Ruangruppa (Jakarta) are located in the historic centers of their cities and effectively influence the surrounding communities. Other groups such as Big Tail Elephants (Guangzhou), U-kabat (Bangkok), APA (Kuala Lumpur), and Forum A (Seoul), being more "immaterial," practice urban-guerrilla strategies by occupying temporary spaces in their cities.  They all, however, share an interest in new technologies and related cultural strategies as active reactions to the demands of the epoch. Numerous alternative spaces and groups have focused on such a direction. Videotage (Hong Kong) and Movelfund (Manila) are influential bases for experimental video and film production and organizers of multimedia festivals. Project 304 presents the biannual Bangkok Experimental Film Festival. In the meantime, a new generation is actively forging the new Asian youth culture and new forms of expression, which are deeply rooted in the culture of consumption (advertising, etc.) yet highly critical of this "raw reality." The complex, often contradictory, relations between artists and their social conditions, especially the institutional infrastructure, have led these artists to an understanding of the need to develop different visions and methods of contemporary art creation. This further pushes them to promote different ways of defining contemporary art.
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For various reasons, ranging from personal to economic, from social-political to strategic, these alternative spaces are constantly appearing, evolving, and disappearing, and ultimately transform themselves into different modes of practice. This is precisely the essence of the new paradigm of "institution": always moving, flexible, changing, and reinventing itself. These spaces have also formed a trans-regional network to exchange their experiences and to reinforce their common power base. Meetings and conferences among the various groups in Asian cities are regularly organized. Information, experiences, and visions are published, exchanged, and distributed. Many of these groups have also established wider, transcontinental collaborations with artist-run organizations in Europe, North and South America, and elsewhere. The Project 1 of 2002 Gwangju Biennale is perhaps the most important summit for such networking so far[6]. It manifested the immense potential power of this new paradigm of art infrastructures and action modes. This new paradigm has been generated through the experiments of artists. In turn, it is deeply informing and transforming both the notion of art and the practices of artists. New languages and issues are hence created and experimented with. This further influences the global scene. If there is an irresistible drive to present truly global contemporary creations in international events-beyond the traditional Western paradigm-the most crucial shift that we should make is first to learn how to present such a paradigm mutation. We need veritable new initiatives and alternatives. It's the time for them.

29 August 2002

[1] See Arjun Appadurai, "Modernity At Large, Cultural Dimensions of Globalisation", University of Minnesota Press, 1996.

[2] See Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, "Empire" (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2000).

[3] See Hakim Bey "T.A.Z, The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorism", Autonomedia Anti-copyright, 1985,1911, May be freely pirated & quoted - the author & publisher, however, would like to be informed at: Autonomadia, P.O. Box 568, Williamsburgh Station, Brooklyn, NY 11211-0568. (the book is available on the internet for free)

[4] See the press release of Combablache Collective's exhibition in "Sous la terre, il y a le ciel", curated by Evelyne Jouanno, Projektraum, Kunsthalle, Bern, Switzerland, 2002.

[5] For information about the current situation of alternative organizations of contemporary art in the Asian-Pacific region, see Pause: Project 1 (Gwangju Biennale, 2002), and Alternatives: Contemporary Art Spaces in Asia (Tokyo: The Japan Foundation Asia Center, 2002), as well as the Web sites of the organizations discussed herein.

[6] Co-curated by Hou Hanru, Charles Esche and Sung Wang-Kuyng, the project intends to break away from conventional biennales by emphasizing on alternative ideas, approaches, languages and organisations in contemporary art and culture activities. 26 artist run, alternative spaces from Asia, Europe and other parts of the world have been invited to auto-curate their programs in the biennale while meetings among them at a global scale have been realised for the first time.

Further Reading: Sharing a Sensibility: a Conversation with Hou Hanru
http://www.artpractical.com/feature/sharing_a_sensibility_a_conversation_with_hou_hanru/

Thursday, March 21, 2013

[轉貼] Rumah Air Panas Art Society



[BACKGROUND] The “Independent Creative Art Spaces Leadership Training”, organised by ASEF, Artfactories and Trans Europe Halles, took place from 9 to 15 December 2007 in Paris and Saint-Ouen (suburbs of Paris).

The 3 organising partners selected 22 participants in September 2007: 11 persons from Asia and 11 persons from Europe. The selection was made according to the relevance of the needs of each applicant regarding the content of the training, and also according the motivation of the applicants to get involved in a future international collaboration. One of the selected applicants could eventually not come, due to unexpected political events in his country, Pakistan, so we eventually ended up with 21 participants, coming from 19 different countries.

8 trainers/speakers/facilitators were appointed, coming from Europe and Asia. Please check more about participants, trainers and moderators by clicking on their names on the right hand side window of this blog! 


PARTICIPANT: Kok Yoong LIM, Malaysia.

Name of your organisation: 

Rumah Air Panas (R.A.P.) Art Society

Website of your organisation: 


How is your organsation funded?

R.A.P. is solely funded by monthly membership fees collected from R.A.P.’s members.

Explain what your organisation is about (to somebody who does not know about it).

Established in 1997, R.A.P. is an independent art space run by art enthusiasts. It is both an artist studio and also a venue, which has featured numerous exhibitions, artist slides presentation and dialogue sessions. Aims to explore and coalesce visual arts and other cultural practices through collaboration in exhibition and project; documentation and exchange of ideas in discussion, the members of R.A.P. support an independent, aware and concerted artistic practice in engaging the artistic community and the art public.

In July 2003, the artist collective was finally formed. Since then, R.A.P. has organized more than 20 art and cultural dialogue/talks, 9 exhibitions, and projects in collaboration with other groups.

R.A.P has officially gained it society status on 17th August 2006 and it is currently known as R.A.P. Art Society/ Persatuan Seni Rumah Air Panas (Registration No. 1107-06-WKL).

Describe how your organisation is engaged in international cooperation and exchange.

Starting from year 2005, R.A.P. has extended and expanded its networking to a wider regional network. R.A.P. is also part of the Intra Asia Network. R.A.P. has been working closey with other art organisations / art groups in the region by participating in workshop, symposium, discussion and joint project, in fostering exchange as well as sharing of knowledge. In the case of LetArtsMoveYou (LAMU), a visual art in automobile project, R.A.P. has coordinated the regional collaboration by bringing a number of artists from the SEA region.

Just to name a few, in September 2004, R.A.P. was invited to participate at the International Meeting Between Autonomous Cultural Centers Stemming from Citizen and Artistic Initiatives forum in Shanghai. In September 2005, R.A.P. participated in the ‘SeptFest Foum: Art Spaces and Artistic Directions’, organused by Singapore’s Substation. In September 2006, R.A.P. participated in the Intra Asia Network 2006 Symposium and workshop, Seoul and Gwangju Korea.

R.A.P also very often hosts artist talks by artists or researchers from the foreign country i.e. Singapore, Myanmar, Spain, America etc. in creating a module of the exchange that benefits speakers / researchers and the local art scene as well as to inform others about the art / cultural practices in Malaysia.

Describe how your art space relates to the local community. If you are about to open an art space, explain how you related to the local community in your previous experiences.

The space R.A.P. formerly used were sublet to artists and there was a constant flow of artists coming in and out of the studios and this had kept the place vibrant and exciting, whereby artists of different background and practices intermingled and grew together. Not only that, the surrounding non-art community was also benefited by being invited to witness the show or performance/ gig R.A.P. organized. Occasionally, R.A.P., members also went in to the local market to sell artworks to raise fund for project. In 2005 RAP has started an outreach project inviting artist to give art talks and coordinating art tour for secondary students from the Kuala Lumpur Klang Valley region, which is not far from R.A.P. space.

Even while R.A.P. is space-less after it parted its premises, R.A.P. still continued carry on with its project and activities by holding them in other organisation’s premise and other non-art space. R.A.P. also co-organised project, show and activities with other artistic collective i.e. SICKL in the ‘Crossing Over’ show by Evolutioary Girls Club. (Artists, Scholars and Activists – The Evolutionary Girls Club is an inclusive group of artists and activists who work and show work globally), the ‘Walk in Walk out’ project in Notthatbalai Art Festival, the LAMU project with Collective Art Developers (see image below) etc.


What are the major internal and external challenges your organisation is facing?
  
The major internal problem R.A.P. is facing is that there is no full time staff to do the administration and managerial work. R.A.P. members consist of artists & cultural workers working Provo no and very often have to perform multi tasking in running the organization. Many are breadwinner of the family and can not be fully committed to organization; juggling between tasks make members quite versatile to a certain extent.

Externally, R.A.P. is struggling to keep itself abreast with the contemporary art movement/ development which stresses on artist mobility and professionalism. With limitedresources, the collective cannot afford to offer the same exposure on the global platform to all members but only in a selective manner.

What are the main achievements and strengths of your organisation?

R.A.P. has established quite a good reputation at a national level, through its dedication to community work and engagement with local art & non art community by providing an alternative space for artists & cultural workers to showcase, present, share and do work. R.A.P was also an important catalyst of artists run space and alternative art platform in Kuala Lumpur art scene. Following the footstep of R.A.P, many other artists run spaces sprang up and diversity the cultural offerings in KL.

R.A.P’s persistency & perseverance in sustaining itself in a hostile situation is strength of the organization.

Wednesday, February 20, 2013

[轉貼]Michel Foucault: Of Other Spaces (1967)

This text, entitled "Des Espace Autres," and published by the French journal Architecture /Mouvement/ Continuité in October, 1984, was the basis of a lecture given by Michel Foucault in March 1967. Although not reviewed for publication by the author and thus not part of the official corpus of his work, the manuscript was released into the public domain for an exhibition in Berlin shortly before Michel Foucault's death. 

Translated from the French by Jay Miskowiec.
The great obsession of the nineteenth century was, as we know, history: with its themes of development and of suspension, of crisis, and cycle, themes of the ever-accumulating past, with its great preponderance of dead men and the menacing glaciation of the world. The nineteenth century found its essential mythological resources in the second principle of thermal dynamics. The present epoch will perhaps be above all the epoch of space. We are in the epoch of simultaneity: we are in the epoch of juxtaposition, the epoch of the near and far, of the side-by-side, of the dispersed. We are at a moment. I believe, when our experience of the world is less that of a long life developing through time than that of a network that connects points and intersects with its own skein. One could perhaps say that certain ideological conflicts animating present-day polemics oppose the pious descendents of time and the determined inhabitants of space. Structuralism, or at least which is grouped under this slightly too general name, is the effort to establish, between elements that could have been connected on a temporal axis, an ensemble of relations that makes them appear as juxtaposed, set off against one another, implicated by each other—that makes them appear, in short, as a sort of configuration. Actually, structuralism does not entail denial of time; it does involve a certain manner of dealing with what we call time and what we call history.
Yet it is necessary to notice that the space which today appears to form the horizon of our concerns, our theory, our systems, is not an innovation; space itself has a history in Western experience, and it is not possible to disregard the fatal intersection of time with space. One could say, by way of retracing this history of space very roughly, that in the Middle Ages there was a hierarchic ensemble of places: sacred places and profane plates: protected places and open, exposed places: urban places and rural places (all these concern the real life of men). In cosmological theory, there were the supercelestial places as opposed to the celestial, and the celestial place was in its turn opposed to the terrestrial place. There were places where things had been put because they had been violently displaced, and then on the contrary places where things found their natural ground and stability. It was this complete hierarchy, this opposition, this intersection of places that constituted what could very roughly be called medieval space: the space of emplacement.
This space of emplacement was opened up by Galileo. For the real scandal of Galileo's work lay not so much in his discovery, or rediscovery, that the earth revolved around the sun, but in his constitution of an infinite, and infinitely open space. In such a space the place of the Middle Ages turned out to be dissolved. as it were; a thing's place was no longer anything but a point in its movement, just as the stability of a thing was only its movement indefinitely slowed down. In other words, starting with Galileo and the seventeenth century, extension was substituted for emplacement.
Today the site has been substituted for extension which itself had replaced emplacement. The site is defined by relations of proximity between points or elements; formally, we can describe these relations as series, trees, or grids. Moreover, the importance of the site as a problem in contemporary technical work is well known: the storage of data or of the intermediate results of a calculation in the memory of a machine, the circulation of discrete elements with a random output (automobile traffic is a simple case, or indeed the sounds on a telephone line); the identification of marked or coded elements inside a set that may be randomly distributed, or may be arranged according to single or to multiple classifications.
In a still more concrete manner, the problem of siting or placement arises for mankind in terms of demography. This problem of the human site or living space is not simply that of knowing whether there will be enough space for men in the world — a problem that is certainly quite important — but also that of knowing what relations of propinquity, what type of storage, circulation, marking, and classification of human elements should be adopted in a given situation in order to achieve a given end. Our epoch is one in which space takes for us the form of relations among sites.
In any case I believe that the anxiety of our era has to do fundamentally with space, no doubt a great deal more than with time. Time probably appears to us only as one of the various distributive operations that are possible for the elements that are spread out in space,
Now, despite all the techniques for appropriating space, despite the whole network of knowledge that enables us to delimit or to formalize it, contemporary space is perhaps still not entirely desanctified (apparently unlike time, it would seem, which was detached from the sacred in the nineteenth century). To be sure a certain theoretical desanctification of space (the one signaled by Galileo's work) has occurred, but we may still not have reached the point of a practical desanctification of space. And perhaps our life is still governed by a certain number of oppositions that remain inviolable, that our institutions and practices have not yet dared to break down. These are oppositions that we regard as simple givens: for example between private space and public space, between family space and social space, between cultural space and useful space, between the space of leisure and that of work. All these are still nurtured by the hidden presence of the sacred.
Bachelard's monumental work and the descriptions of phenomenologists have taught us that we do not live in a homogeneous and empty space, but on the contrary in a space thoroughly imbued with quantities and perhaps thoroughly fantasmatic as well. The space of our primary perception, the space of our dreams and that of our passions hold within themselves qualities that seem intrinsic: there is a light, ethereal, transparent space, or again a dark, rough, encumbered space; a space from above, of summits, or on the contrary a space from below of mud; or again a space that can be flowing like sparkling water, or space that is fixed, congealed, like stone or crystal. Yet these analyses, while fundamental for reflection in our time, primarily concern internal space. I should like to speak now of external space.
The space in which we live, which draws us out of ourselves, in which the erosion of our lives. our time and our history occurs, the space that claws and gnaws at us, is also, in itself, a heterogeneous space. In other words, we do not live in a kind of void, inside of which we could place individuals and things. We do not live inside a void that could be colored with diverse shades of light, we live inside a set of relations that delineates sites which are irreducible to one another and absolutely not superimposable on one another.
Of course one might attempt to describe these different sites by looking for the set of relations by which a given site can be defined. For example, describing the set of relations that define the sites of transportation, streets, trains (a train is an extraordinary bundle of relations because it is something through which one goes, it is also something by means of which one can go from one point to another, and then it is also something that goes by). One could describe, via the cluster of relations that allows them to be defined, the sites of temporary relaxation —cafes, cinemas, beaches. Likewise one could describe, via its network of relations, the closed or semi-closed sites of rest — the house, the bedroom, the bed, el cetera. But among all these sites, I am interested in certain ones that have the curious property of being in relation with all the other sites, but in such a way as to suspect, neutralize, or invert the set of relations that they happen to designate, mirror, or reflect. These spaces, as it were, which are linked with all the others, which however contradict all the other sites, are of two main types.
HETEROTOPIAS
First there are the utopias. Utopias are sites with no real place. They are sites that have a general relation of direct or inverted analogy with the real space of Society. They present society itself in a perfected form, or else society turned upside down, but in any case these utopias are fundamentally unreal spaces.
There are also, probably in every culture, in every civilization, real places — places that do exist and that are formed in the very founding of society — which are something like counter-sites, a kind of effectively enacted utopia in which the real sites, all the other real sites that can be found within the culture, are simultaneously represented, contested, and inverted. Places of this kind are outside of all places, even though it may be possible to indicate their location in reality. Because these places are absolutely different from all the sites that they reflect and speak about, I shall call them, by way of contrast to utopias, heterotopias. I believe that between utopias and these quite other sites, these heterotopias, there might be a sort of mixed, joint experience, which would be the mirror. The mirror is, after all, a utopia, since it is a placeless place. In the mirror, I see myself there where I am not, in an unreal, virtual space that opens up behind the surface; I am over there, there where I am not, a sort of shadow that gives my own visibility to myself, that enables me to see myself there where I am absent: such is the utopia of the mirror. But it is also a heterotopia in so far as the mirror does exist in reality, where it exerts a sort of counteraction on the position that I occupy. From the standpoint of the mirror I discover my absence from the place where I am since I see myself over there. Starting from this gaze that is, as it were, directed toward me, from the ground of this virtual space that is on the other side of the glass, I come back toward myself; I begin again to direct my eyes toward myself and to reconstitute myself there where I am. The mirror functions as a heterotopia in this respect: it makes this place that I occupy at the moment when I look at myself in the glass at once absolutely real, connected with all the space that surrounds it, and absolutely unreal, since in order to be perceived it has to pass through this virtual point which is over there.
As for the heterotopias as such, how can they be described? What meaning do they have? We might imagine a sort of systematic description — I do not say a science because the term is too galvanized now — that would, in a given society, take as its object the study, analysis, description, and "reading" (as some like to say nowadays) of these different spaces, of these other places. As a sort of simultaneously mythic and real contestation of the space in which we live, this description could be called heterotopology.
Its first principle is that there is probably not a single culture in the world that fails to constitute heterotopias. That is a constant of every human group. But the heterotopias obviously take quite varied forms, and perhaps no one absolutely universal form of heterotopia would be found. We can however class them in two main categories.
In the so-called primitive societies, there is a certain form of heterotopia that I would call crisis heterotopias, i.e., there are privileged or sacred or forbidden places, reserved for individuals who are, in relation to society and to the human environment in which they live, in a state of crisis: adolescents, menstruating women, pregnant women. the elderly, etc. In out society, these crisis heterotopias are persistently disappearing, though a few remnants can still be found. For example, the boarding school, in its nineteenth-century form, or military service for young men, have certainly played such a role, as the first manifestations of sexual virility were in fact supposed to take place "elsewhere" than at home. For girls, there was, until the middle of the twentieth century, a tradition called the "honeymoon trip" which was an ancestral theme. The young woman's deflowering could take place "nowhere" and, at the moment of its occurrence the train or honeymoon hotel was indeed the place of this nowhere, this heterotopia without geographical markers.
But these heterotopias of crisis are disappearing today and are being replaced, I believe, by what we might call heterotopias of deviation: those in which individuals whose behavior is deviant in relation to the required mean or norm are placed. Cases of this are rest homes and psychiatric hospitals, and of course prisons, and one should perhaps add retirement homes that are, as it were, on the borderline between the heterotopia of crisis and the heterotopia of deviation since, after all, old age is a crisis, but is also a deviation since in our society where leisure is the rule, idleness is a sort of deviation.
The second principle of this description of heterotopias is that a society, as its history unfolds, can make an existing heterotopia function in a very different fashion; for each heterotopia has a precise and determined function within a society and the same heterotopia can, according to the synchrony of the culture in which it occurs, have one function or another.
As an example I shall take the strange heterotopia of the cemetery. The cemetery is certainly a place unlike ordinary cultural spaces. It is a space that is however connected with all the sites of the city, state or society or village, etc., since each individual, each family has relatives in the cemetery. In western culture the cemetery has practically always existed. But it has undergone important changes. Until the end of the eighteenth century, the cemetery was placed at the heart of the city, next to the church. In it there was a hierarchy of possible tombs. There was the charnel house in which bodies lost the last traces of individuality, there were a few individual tombs and then there were the tombs inside the church. These latter tombs were themselves of two types, either simply tombstones with an inscription, or mausoleums with statues. This cemetery housed inside the sacred space of the church has taken on a quite different cast in modern civilizations, and curiously, it is in a time when civilization has become "atheistic," as one says very crudely, that western culture has established what is termed the cult of the dead.
Basically it was quite natural that, in a time of real belief in the resurrection of bodies and the immortality of the soul, overriding importance was not accorded to the body's remains. On the contrary, from the moment when people are no longer sure that they have a soul or that the body will regain life, it is perhaps necessary to give much more attention to the dead body, which is ultimately the only trace of our existence in the world and in language. In any case, it is from the beginning of the nineteenth century that everyone has a right to her or his own little box for her or his own little personal decay, but on the other hand, it is only from that start of the nineteenth century that cemeteries began to be located at the outside border of cities. In correlation with the individualization of death and the bourgeois appropriation of the cemetery, there arises an obsession with death as an "illness." The dead, it is supposed, bring illnesses to the living, and it is the presence and proximity of the dead right beside the houses, next to the church, almost in the middle of the street, it is this proximity that propagates death itself. This major theme of illness spread by the contagion in the cemeteries persisted until the end of the eighteenth century, until, during the nineteenth century, the shift of cemeteries toward the suburbs was initiated. The cemeteries then came to constitute, no longer the sacred and immortal heart of the city, but the other city, where each family possesses its dark resting place.
Third principle. The heterotopia is capable of juxtaposing in a single real place several spaces, several sites that are in themselves incompatible. Thus it is that the theater brings onto the rectangle of the stage, one after the other, a whole series of places that are foreign to one another; thus it is that the cinema is a very odd rectangular room, at the end of which, on a two-dimensional screen, one sees the projection of a three-dimensional space, but perhaps the oldest example of these heterotopias that take the form of contradictory sites is the garden. We must not forget that in the Orient the garden, an astonishing creation that is now a thousand years old, had very deep and seemingly superimposed meanings. The traditional garden of the Persians was a sacred space that was supposed to bring together inside its rectangle four parts representing the four parts of the world, with a space still more sacred than the others that were like an umbilicus, the navel of the world at its center (the basin and water fountain were there); and all the vegetation of the garden was supposed to come together in this space, in this sort of microcosm. As for carpets, they were originally reproductions of gardens (the garden is a rug onto which the whole world comes to enact its symbolic perfection, and the rug is a sort of garden that can move across space). The garden is the smallest parcel of the world and then it is the totality of the world. The garden has been a sort of happy, universalizing heterotopia since the beginnings of antiquity (our modern zoological gardens spring from that source).
Fourth principle. Heterotopias are most often linked to slices in time — which is to say that they open onto what might be termed, for the sake of symmetry, heterochronies. The heterotopia begins to function at full capacity when men arrive at a sort of absolute break with their traditional time. This situation shows us that the cemetery is indeed a highly heterotopic place since, for the individual, the cemetery begins with this strange heterochrony, the loss of life, and with this quasi-eternity in which her permanent lot is dissolution and disappearance.
From a general standpoint, in a society like ours heterotopias and heterochronies are structured and distributed in a relatively complex fashion. First of all, there are heterotopias of indefinitely accumulating time, for example museums and libraries, Museums and libraries have become heterotopias in which time never stops building up and topping its own summit, whereas in the seventeenth century, even at the end of the century, museums and libraries were the expression of an individual choice. By contrast, the idea of accumulating everything, of establishing a sort of general archive, the will to enclose in one place all times, all epochs, all forms, all tastes, the idea of constituting a place of all times that is itself outside of time and inaccessible to its ravages, the project of organizing in this way a sort of perpetual and indefinite accumulation of time in an immobile place, this whole idea belongs to our modernity. The museum and the library are heterotopias that are proper to western culture of the nineteenth century.
Opposite these heterotopias that are linked to the accumulation of time, there are those linked, on the contrary, to time in its most flowing, transitory, precarious aspect, to time in the mode of the festival. These heterotopias are not oriented toward the eternal, they are rather absolutely temporal [chroniques]. Such, for example, are the fairgrounds, these "marvelous empty sites on the outskirts of cities" that teem once or twice a year with stands, displays, heteroclite objects, wrestlers, snakewomen, fortune-tellers, and so forth. Quite recently, a new kind of temporal heterotopia has been invented: vacation villages, such as those Polynesian villages that offer a compact three weeks of primitive and eternal nudity to the inhabitants of the cities. You see, moreover, that through the two forms of heterotopias that come together here, the heterotopia of the festival and that of the eternity of accumulating time, the huts of Djerba are in a sense relatives of libraries and museums. for the rediscovery of Polynesian life abolishes time; yet the experience is just as much the,, rediscovery of time, it is as if the entire history of humanity reaching back to its origin were accessible in a sort of immediate knowledge,
Fifth principle. Heterotopias always presuppose a system of opening and closing that both isolates them and makes them penetrable. In general, the heterotopic site is not freely accessible like a public place. Either the entry is compulsory, as in the case of entering a barracks or a prison, or else the individual has to submit to rites and purifications. To get in one must have a certain permission and make certain gestures. Moreover, there are even heterotopias that are entirely consecrated to these activities of purification —purification that is partly religious and partly hygienic, such as the hammin of the Moslems, or else purification that appears to be purely hygienic, as in Scandinavian saunas.
There are others, on the contrary, that seem to be pure and simple openings, but that generally hide curious exclusions. Everyone can enter into thew heterotopic sites, but in fact that is only an illusion— we think we enter where we are, by the very fact that we enter, excluded. I am thinking for example, of the famous bedrooms that existed on the great farms of Brazil and elsewhere in South America. The entry door did not lead into the central room where the family lived, and every individual or traveler who came by had the right to ope this door, to enter into the bedroom and to sleep there for a night. Now these bedrooms were such that the individual who went into them never had access to the family's quarter the visitor was absolutely the guest in transit, was not really the invited guest. This type of heterotopia, which has practically disappeared from our civilizations, could perhaps be found in the famous American motel rooms where a man goes with his car and his mistress and where illicit sex is both absolutely sheltered and absolutely hidden, kept isolated without however being allowed out in the open.
Sixth principle. The last trait of heterotopias is that they have a function in relation to all the space that remains. This function unfolds between two extreme poles. Either their role is to create a space of illusion that exposes every real space, all the sites inside of which human life is partitioned, as still more illusory (perhaps that is the role that was played by those famous brothels of which we are now deprived). Or else, on the contrary, their role is to create a space that is other, another real space, as perfect, as meticulous, as well arranged as ours is messy, ill constructed, and jumbled. This latter type would be the heterotopia, not of illusion, but of compensation, and I wonder if certain colonies have not functioned somewhat in this manner. In certain cases, they have played, on the level of the general organization of terrestrial space, the role of heterotopias. I am thinking, for example, of the first wave of colonization in the seventeenth century, of the Puritan societies that the English had founded in America and that were absolutely perfect other places. I am also thinking of those extraordinary Jesuit colonies that were founded in South America: marvelous, absolutely regulated colonies in which human perfection was effectively achieved. The Jesuits of Paraguay established colonies in which existence was regulated at every turn. The village was laid out according to a rigorous plan around a rectangular place at the foot of which was the church; on one side, there was the school; on the other, the cemetery, and then, in front of the church, an avenue set out that another crossed at fight angles; each family had its little cabin along these two axes and thus the sign of Christ was exactly reproduced. Christianity marked the space and geography of the American world with its fundamental sign.
The daily life of individuals was regulated, not by the whistle, but by the bell. Everyone was awakened at the same time, everyone began work at the same time; meals were at noon and five o'clock, then came bedtime, and at midnight came what was called the marital wake-up, that is, at the chime of the churchbell, each person carried out her/his duty.
Brothels and colonies are two extreme types of heterotopia, and if we think, after all, that the boat is a floating piece of space, a place without a place, that exists by itself, that is closed in on itself and at the same time is given over to the infinity of the sea and that, from port to port, from tack to tack, from brothel to brothel, it goes as far as the colonies in search of the most precious treasures they conceal in their gardens, you will understand why the boat has not only been for our civilization, from the sixteenth century until the present, the great instrument of economic development (I have not been speaking of that today), but has been simultaneously the greatest reserve of the imagination. The ship is the heterotopia par excellence. In civilizations without boats, dreams dry up, espionage takes the place of adventure, and the police take the place of pirates. 

Wednesday, January 16, 2013

Thursday, December 27, 2012

[轉貼]霍布斯鲍姆论当前世界趋势

霍布斯鲍姆:论当前世界趋势(访谈)


Eric Hobsbawm是世界著名近代史大师、马克思主义史学家。1917年出生于埃及亚历山大城的犹太后裔,母亲则来自哈布斯堡王朝统治下的中欧。1919年举家迁往维也纳,1931年徙居柏林。第一次世界大战后,他在受创至深的德奥两国度过童年。1933年因希特勒掌权而转赴英国,完成中学教育,并进入剑桥大学学习历史。1947年升任高级讲师,1978年取得该校经济和社会史教授头衔,1982年退休。之后大部分时间任教于纽约社会研究新学院,是该院政治及社会史荣誉教授。

霍布斯鲍姆著作甚丰,先后计有14部以上专著问世,包括:《革命的年代》、《资本的年代》、《帝国的年代》、《极端的年代》、《盗匪》、《民族与民族主义》、《原始的叛乱》、《爵士风情》等书。现居伦敦。曾在麦卡锡白色恐怖气焰全盛之时,与希尔等人创办著名的新左史学期刊《过去与现在》。


记者——您的大作《极端的年代》结束于1991年,以全球性崩溃为视野。黄金时代的崩溃呼唤整个社会的发展。您认为自1991年后世界历史的主要发展趋势是什么?

霍布斯鲍姆——我看主要有五点变化。首先是世界经济中心从北大西洋转移到了东南亚。这是从二十世纪七十、八十年代的日本开始的,九十年代中国的崛起产生了更大反响。其次当然是我们一直都在预测的席卷全球的资本主义危机。第三是2001年后美国谋求建立世界单极霸权体系梦想的破灭。第四是发展中国家作为新兴政治体崭露头角。在我写《极端的年代》时,金砖四国还未出现。第五,在世界大部分地区也包括单一民族国家,国家权力在丧失,威权系统的职权在减弱。这虽然在意料之中,但速度之快却在我预料之外。

记者——此外还有什么让您感到惊讶的?

霍布斯鲍姆——首先,美国极为疯狂的新保守主义思潮也一直让我感到惊异。他们不仅假定美国是世界的未来,甚至还认为美国已制定了实现这一目标的战略战术。据我所知,美国还没有一个系统的战略构想。其次,我们基本已经遗忘的海盗现在又猖獗起来了。这件事虽然微不足道,但意义重大。第三,我没有料到西孟加拉邦印度共产党(马克思主义)在人民选举中会失利。印共(马)总书记普拉卡什·卡拉特最近告诉我,在西孟加拉邦他们觉得自己已陷入了困境,他们在当地执政已有三十年了。工业化政策,剥夺农民的土地,这些政策具有极坏的影响,显然是错误的。能看得出来,像所有幸存的左翼政府一样,它们都不得不大力发展经济,包括鼓励私人经济,对他们来说,发展强有力的工业基础是很自然的事。但是导致这样一种翻天覆地的变化还是很令人惊讶的。

记者——您认为工人阶级的政治成分会出现什么变化吗?

霍布斯鲍姆——工人阶级不会再以传统的形式出现了。马克思毫无疑问正确预测了工业化特定阶段主要阶级政党的构成。如果这些政党要成功的话,它们不能只是工人阶级的政党:如果要跨阶级发展,就必须是人民的政党,是以工人阶级为基础的、为工人阶级服务的人民的政党。然而即便如此,阶级意识的局限性依然存在。在英国,工党从未获得超过50%的选票;在意大利也是如此,意大利共产党更像是人民党。在法国,左翼政党是以力量相对薄弱的工人阶级为基础的政党,但在法国大革命传统的影响下,工人阶级不断壮大和发展,政治地位不断提高,成为法国大革命传统的主要继承者——这也进一步扩大了工人阶级和左翼政党的影响力。

在工业领域,从事体力劳动的工人阶级人数不会减少。现在有、将来也会有很多人从事体力劳动,因此改善他们的处境仍然是所有左翼政府的主要任务。但是我们对此也不要寄予太多希望:因为他们已不再具备老一代工人阶级的组织能力,所以甚至在理论上他们都不再具备应有的政治潜力。现在社会上存在着三大消极发展态势。一是仇外心理。正如倍倍尔所说,工人阶级的绝大部分都是社会的庸人,他们排斥与自己竞争的人以保全自己的工作,所以工人运动动静越小,说明仇外心理越强。二是很多体力劳动和英国政府以前所称的次要的技术工种都是临时性的、不固定的,例如在餐饮业工作的学生或移民,因此社会很难把这些人组织起来。只有受雇于公共部门的这类人才容易组织起来,这是因为这类部门在政治上比较无力。第三个发展态势,我认为也是三者中最重要的,就是新的社会等级标准使人与人之间的鸿沟日益扩大。毕业文凭的高低决定工作的好坏,这就是英才管理制度。但这种制度是人为的,它是由教育机构制定、实施的。英才管理制度就是要改变人们的阶级意识,使人们从反对资本家,继而转向反对各种各样的有钱人,比如知识分子、自由派精英等。除了美国,英国也实行英才管理制度,英国报界有这方面的报道。现在社会上逐渐出现了这样一种现象,如果你获得博士学位或至少是硕士学位,你就有机会成为百万富翁,这使得当前的情况变得更加复杂。

是否会出现新的主体呢?即便有,也不会以单一的阶级形式出现,我认为可能永远都不会。现在社会上出现了一个进步政治联盟,即由有教养的、受过高等教育的中产阶级、知识分子与大多数穷苦无知的老百姓结成的相对永久性的联盟。总体上讲,受过高等教育的人比普通人更易左倾。这两个群体是形成新的政权机构必不可少的要素,但是他们可能比以往更加难以团结。从某种意义上说,穷人可能更容易与百万富翁感同身受。例如在美国,人们会说,要是幸运的话,我也能成为流行歌星,但他们不会说,要是幸运的话,我也能获得诺贝尔奖。在给政治立场相同但政治观点不同的人做协调工作时,这是确实存在的问题。

记者——您认为2008年爆发的全球金融危机与上世纪三十年代的大萧条有可比性吗?

霍布斯鲍姆——1929年的大萧条不是从银行倒闭开始的,两年后才出现银行大批倒闭。那次大萧条是由美国突然爆发的股灾引发的,致使失业率直线上升、生产大幅度下降,达到了前所未有的程度。而这次金融危机爆发之前有一定的征兆,不像1929年时来得那么突然。其实从很早开始,新自由主义的市场原教旨主义就给资本主义发展带来了极大的不稳定,但直到2008年,危机只发生在一些次要的地区——二十世纪九十年代以及二十一世纪初的拉丁美洲、东南亚和俄罗斯,主要表现为股票市场的暴跌暴涨。我认为1998年美国长期资本管理公司的倒闭是预示危机的真正信号。它证明了整体发展模式是绝对错误的。讽刺的是,经济危机让一大批商人和新闻工作者重新研究马克思,重新发现他的那些跟传统左翼思想完全不相关的、对现代全球化经济的著述。

1929年,世界经济还不像现在这样全球化,所以当时的情况比现在好一些,比如,失业者可以很容易再回到农村去种地,而现在的人失业后想要回农村就很难了。1929年,欧洲和北美以外大部分地区的经济基本没有受到冲击。前苏联的存在虽然没有对大萧条产生实质性的帮助,但其在意识形态方面产生了同样重大的影响。二十世纪九十年代以来,我们看到了中国的崛起和新兴经济体的出现,而且它们在当前的金融危机中产生了实质性的影响,因为它们使世界经济总体上更为平稳,否则情况可能更糟。事实上,甚至在新自由主义声称经济一片繁荣之际,新兴经济体就已大规模出现,特别是中国。我敢说如果没有中国,2008年的金融危机会更加严重。因此,基于以上种种原因,我认为我们的经济会很快复苏。虽然一些国家,特别是英国,经济将继续低迷一段时间。

记者——您认为这次金融危机会带来什么样的政治后果?

霍布斯鲍姆——1929年的大萧条导致了绝对性右倾,但北美除外,其中还包括墨西哥和斯堪的纳维亚国家。在法国,人民阵线”1936年获得的选票比1932年只多了0.5%,他们的胜利仅仅标志着政治联盟成分的改变,而没有其他更深刻的意义。在西班牙,尽管有外在的或潜在的革命动向,最直接的影响也是右倾,而且持续了很长时间。在其他绝大多数国家,特别是在中欧和东欧,政治极端右倾。这次金融危机对政治的影响还不明显。虽然有人认为美国或西方可能不会有重大的政治变动或政策变化,但中国一定会有重大变化,这些不过是人们的预测。

记者——您认为中国仍将继续采取措施化解金融危机吗?

霍布斯鲍姆——中国经济不会突然停止增长。金融危机让中国措手不及,因为它导致很多实体性的工业企业关门歇业,但是,中国现在仍处于经济发展的初级阶段,仍然有巨大的发展空间。我不想预测未来,但毫无疑问,二、三十年后,中国在政治和经济上会拥有更加重要的国际地位,虽然军事上还很难说。当然中国现在依然存在很多问题。一直有人追问中国能否团结一致,我个人认为,不论是在现实中还是在思想观念上,人们对中国的团结一致抱有强烈的愿望。

记者——您如何评价执政一年后的奥巴马政府?

霍布斯鲍姆——人们一开始对这位总统非常满意,在金融危机的困境中,人们认定他是个伟大的改革家,是第二个罗斯福。但他有负民望,刚上台就表现不佳。如果把罗斯福和奥巴马执政的前一百天相比较,我们可以看出罗斯福喜欢雇用非官方顾问进行开拓创新,而奥巴马却保持中立。我觉得他断送了自己的大好时机。对他来讲,执政的前三个月是至关重要的好机会,因为在此期间失败的共和党士气不振,很难在国会有所作为,但奥巴马却错过了这个机会。有人觉得他还有机会,但我觉得前景不容乐观。

记者——纵观目前世界上最热点的国际冲突,您认为目前设想的以巴两国共存方案在巴勒斯坦有多少可行性?

霍布斯鲍姆——就个人而言,我不知道现在是否在磋商此事。美国人如果不下定决心对以色列施加压力,无论采用什么解决方案都没用。事实上,没有迹象表明美国会下这个决心。

记者——您认为世界上哪些国家现在仍然活跃着积极进步的思潮,或者说这样的思潮可能再度兴起?

霍布斯鲍姆——毫无疑问是在拉丁美洲。在那里,政治和公众舆论仍然受到欧洲启蒙运动的影响——倡导自由、信奉社会主义和共产主义。在这些国家,即使军国主义分子也会称自己为社会主义者。在以工人运动为基础的卢拉的巴西和莫拉莱斯的玻利维亚,你会发现这样一个现象,这两个国家现在仍在宣传社会主义的基本理念,仍在沿用旧的政治模式,当然它们的政治走向另当别论。虽然老的革命传统在墨西哥本土又有了重新恢复的迹象,但不会卷土重来,因为墨西哥实际上已经变成了美国政治经济的有机组成部分,所以我对中美洲的情况不敢妄言。我认为,拉美不存在种族语言民族主义和宗教分歧,这样更容易保持原有的政治理念。直到现在拉美仍没有种族政治的迹象,这让我感到吃惊。这种迹象已经在墨西哥和秘鲁土著民族运动中凸显出来,但没有欧洲、亚洲和非洲那么大的规模。

印度也有这种可能。由于受传统的尼赫鲁世俗体制力量的影响,进步思潮可能再度在印度崛起。不过,除了有群众基础的一些地区,比如孟加拉邦和喀拉拉邦,其他地方很难掀起大规模的群众运动。像尼泊尔纳萨尔派或尼泊尔毛主义这样的组织,也可能会掀起轰轰烈烈的群众运动。除此之外,在欧洲,老工党、社会主义和共产主义运动的遗风仍然有很强的影响力。在欧洲的绝大部分地区,以恩格斯理论成立的政党仍然是有潜力的执政党或主要的反对党(在野党)。我认为,共产主义思潮将来还会再度兴起,比如在巴尔干地区甚至在俄罗斯的部分地区,但是,我们无法预测它会以哪种形式出现。我不知道中国将来会发生什么情况。但毫无疑问,中国人的思想已经发生了变化,不再是修正的毛主义或马克思理论。

记者——您一直对民族主义作为一种政治力量持批评态度,警告左翼不要把它搞得骇人听闻。不过,您也站出来强烈反对以人道干预的名义侵犯他国主权。您认为源于工人运动的各种思潮消失之后,哪些国际主义思潮是人们所期盼的,也是切实可行的?

霍布斯鲍姆——首先,冠以人权名义的帝国主义基本上与国际主义搭不上边。这一方面表明帝国主义又复活了,它冠冕堂皇地以极富诚意的借口侵犯他国主权;另一方面表明地区永久优越性的理念重新抬头,这一理念从十六世纪到二十世纪末一直主宰着世界。若是这样,就更危险了。毕竟,西方世界想要推行的价值观是具体的区域价值观,不是普遍价值观。如果是普遍价值观,也必须因地制宜,因时制宜。其实,我们并不是要区分民族主义和国际主义。但是,民族主义确实与国际主义有关,因为以民族国家为基础的国际秩序,即威斯特伐利亚体系,在过去不论好坏,都是国家预防外敌入侵的最佳保障之一。毫无疑问,威斯特伐利亚体系一旦取消,就为侵略和扩张的战争开了绿灯。这正是美国抛开这一体系的原因。

国际主义作为民族主义的替代品,是一个巧妙的用语。实际上,国际主义是国际劳工运动中一句空洞的政治口号,没有任何特别的实际意义。像罗马天主教会或共产国际这样力量强大的中央集权组织,以国际主义的形式来统一人们的思想。国际主义意味着,作为天主教徒,无论你是谁,无论身在何方,你所信奉的教义和参加的礼拜活动都是相同的。从理论上讲,共产主义政党也是如此。这个主义能够发展到何种程度、到哪个阶段终止属于另外一个问题,天主教会也是如此。这绝对不是我们所指的国际主义。

从过去到现在,民族国家依然是国内外一切政治决策的着眼点。直到最近发生的劳工运动实际上都是政治运动,也完全是以国家为考量的。即使在欧盟内部,政治仍然是为国家利益服务的。换句话说,根本不存在所谓的超国家权力,欧盟不过是多个独立国家的联盟。原教旨主义的泛伊斯兰运动可能是个例外,它跨越多个国家,但这还需进一步证实。在泛阿拉伯地区,如埃及和叙利亚,多次类似的尝试均以失败告终,原因正是各国边界——源自殖民时代的边界——的阻碍。

记者——您认为超越民族国家界限的尝试会遇到阻碍吗?

霍布斯鲍姆——在经济和其他许多方面,甚至是在文化方面,信息革命创造了一个真正的国际世界。跨越国界的决策、活动和思想交流开始出现;人们在国与国之间流动也变得更容易;语言文化也因国际交流而得到补充;但在政治方面根本没有发生变化。这就是目前存在的基本矛盾。政治上没有发生变化的一个原因是二十世纪政治高度民主,大多数民众都积极参与政治。对他们来说,国家是他们日常工作的基石,是他们生活的依托。在过去的三、四十年里,一些国家通过分权力图在内部弱化国家观念。有些国家在这方面做得很成功,比如德国。在意大利,权力区域化实际上也带来了很大裨益。但是,建立超民族国家的尝试还未成功。欧盟就是一个明显的例子。从某种程度上讲,阻碍恰恰来自这个理念的创始人,因为他们认为超民族国家类似于民族国家,只不过比民族国家更大,然而超民族国家并非如此。我认为超民族国家是有可能出现的,但现在时机还未成熟。在欧洲,欧盟就是一个具体实例。在中东等地方曾经出现过超民族国家的迹象,但只有欧盟在这个方向上算是走出了一步。至少,我觉得在南美不太可能出现更大的国家联盟。

待解决的问题存在以下矛盾:跨国公司和跨国贸易组织的确存在架空国家的行为,也许有一天它们会使国家解体。但是如果真的发生这种情况,目前由国家承担的社会再分配以及其他职能由谁来承担?当然,这种情况不会马上发生,也不会在发达国家发生。目前,存在着共生与冲突的矛盾,这是现在所有政党面临的基本问题之一。

记者——在整个十九世纪和二十世纪的大部分时间里,民族主义显然是最强劲的政治力量之一。请问您对此有何看法?

霍布斯鲍姆——从历史上看,民族主义很大程度上是现代国家形成进程中的一个环节。因为现代国家需要一种不同于传统神权或皇权国家的政治形式。民族主义最初的理念是建立一个更大的国家,在我看来,这种统一和扩大作用很重要。最典型的例子是法国大革命。十八世纪九十年代人们开始说:我们不再是多菲内人,也不是南方人,我们都是法国人。但在后一阶段,从十九世纪七十年代开始,这些区域中的部分团体为了各自的独立掀起了各种运动。民族自决论的威尔逊时代随之而来,好在到了19181919年间,保护少数民族的观念在一定程度上扭转了这种趋势,虽然之后这一观念也逐渐消失。人们认识到,如果没有这些民族主义者的努力,这些新兴的民族国家就不会有统一的种族或文化模式。二战后,民族独立运动如火如荼,殖民地解放运动强化了民族主义,致使更多的国家独立,而二十世纪末苏联的解体,则给民族主义提供了更大的发展空间,同时也造就了更多的袖珍国家,其中包括许多实际上并不想分裂以及大势所趋被迫独立的殖民地国家。

我明显感觉到,自1945年以来纷纷独立的一大批小国所起的作用已经发生了变化,其中之一就是它们已成为公认的主权国家。在第二次世界大战前,像安道尔、卢森堡以及类似的小国,除集邮爱好者外,根本没有人把它们看作国际体系的一部分。梵蒂冈已经是一个主权国家,而且很可能成为联合国成员,这让我感到新奇。就力量而言,这些国家显然不具备传统民族国家的实力,也就是说没有对其他国家开战的能力。它们最多能成为金融产业的天堂和跨国公司的避风港,冰岛就是很好的例子,苏格兰也不例外。

建立一个具有重大历史作用的民族国家不再是民族主义的出发点。这个口号也远没有以前那样有号召力和说服力。它曾一度被认为是有效抵制其他政治或经济体的重要手段。但在今天,民族主义中的仇外心理比重越来越大。政治越民主,潜在的仇外可能性就越大。目前仇外心理的起因也比以往更加关键,虽然它们主要来自文化而非政治层面——比如近几年英国或苏格兰民族主义不断上升——但危险性却绝不比政治层面小。

记者——法西斯主义有没有这种仇外心理?

霍布斯鲍姆——从某种程度上讲,法西斯主义是创建大国的部分驱动力。毫无疑问,意大利法西斯主义促使卡拉布兰人和翁布里人变成了意大利人。在德国,直到1934年,人民才被定义为德国人,之前被叫作斯瓦比亚人、弗兰克人或萨克森人。德国、中欧和东欧的法西斯主义主要反对外来者,尤其针对犹太人。当然,法西斯主义在一定程度上激发了仇外心理。过去工人运动的最大优点就是避免了仇外心理,在南非可以清楚地看到这一点。传统左翼组织对平等和非歧视原则做出了承诺,从而有效地抵制了对南非白人实施报复。

记者——您刚才着重讲了民族主义独立运动和仇外心理。您是否认为这些应该属于当前世界政治的边缘性问题?

霍布斯鲍姆——是的,尽管这些给东南欧等地区带来了巨大灾难,但是民族主义或者说爱国主义的确为许多政府的合法化做出了巨大贡献。中国就是明显的例子,印度正是因为缺少这个才困难重重。美国显然不能以民族团结为基础,但它却有着很强的民族主义情结。事实上在许多发达民主国家,民族主义情绪依然存在。现在大规模移民之所以会产生很多社会矛盾,原因其实就在这里。

记者——每年都有大量外来人口涌入欧洲和美国,您认为当代移民潮会给社会带来什么影响?您认为在欧洲会逐渐出现不同于美国的另一次民族大融合吗?

霍布斯鲍姆——美国的民族大融合在二十世纪六十年代就停止了。二十世纪末的移民潮和以前也大不相同,主要是因为现代移民不再像以前那样和家人故友断绝联系,他们可以同时生活在两个甚至三个国家,并被两个或三个不同的国家所承认,即便你身在美国,仍然可以保留危地马拉国籍。事实上,在欧盟也有移民不能被同化的情况,例如波兰人移民到英国,永远都会被英国人当作外来打工者,所以他们不可能被同化成英国人。

这显然是个新生事物,与我们那个年代的政治流亡者的经历完全不同——虽然我并不是政治流亡者。在那个时候,虽然一个奥地利人或德国人与一个英国人组建了家庭,但他永远都脱离不了自己的本国文化。然而他们认为自己已经是英国人了,当他们回国时,感觉不一样了,因为重心已经改变了。不过例外总是有的,犹太诗人艾利希·傅立特在英国威尔斯登居住了五十年,年迈时,他还是回到德国度过了余生。我认为维持同化的某些基本规则还是很有必要的,一个国家的公民应该有其特定的行为方式和特定的权利,有自己的特点,这些不应该因为多元文化的冲突而削弱。法国与美国吸收了大概同样数量的移民,但相对而言,法国原住民和早期移民相处得更为融洽,这是因为法兰西共和国的价值观在本质上是人人平等的,而且在公共场合没有特权。这和十九世纪美国的情形一样。真正的难题并不在于同化。在意大利和斯堪的纳维亚等国,以前并没有排外意识,但现在新移民进来后却出现了很严重的问题。

记者——现在人们普遍认为,宗教在各大洲卷土重来。您认为这是返璞归真,还是昙花一现?

霍布斯鲍姆——显然,宗教是对生命的诠释,是对神灵或影响生活的精神实体的信仰,它还是社会的一条共同纽带,贯穿于整个人类历史,所以把宗教看作一种表面现象或认为它注定要消失是不对的。对于依赖宗教获得安慰的穷人、弱者以及需要宗教来解释物质现象的人来说,宗教是不可或缺的,所以它永远不会消失。但是在有些体系中,比如在中国,由于现实原因,就不存在我们称之为宗教的东西。中国人已经证明这是可行的,但我还是认为,传统社会主义和共产主义运动的错误之一就是想用暴力铲除宗教,但是选错了时机。在意大利,当年墨索里尼下台后发生的一个最有趣的变化就是陶里亚蒂允许人们信奉天主教。否则,在二十世纪四十年代,就不会有14%的家庭主妇投票支持共产党。毋庸置疑,陶里亚蒂的做法使意共从列宁主义先锋党变成了群众阶级的政党或人民党。

另一方面,人们对宗教的热情也在减弱。从这个层面说,世俗化虽然只是在世界某些地区弱化了宗教势力,但它已成为全球性现象。欧洲的情况也是如此。美国为什么会例外,我还不太清楚。但毫无疑问,世俗化在无神论者和知识分子群体中已经打下了根基。对于那些仍然信奉宗教的人来说,既笃信宗教教义又认同实用主义理念的矛盾已经使他们陷于迷惑,这一点在约旦河西岸原教旨主义犹太人中可以看到。

启蒙主义思潮历史使命的完结,在政治上给宗教政党和民族主义的宗教运动提供了更多的机会。但在我看来,并不是所有宗教都得到了大的发展。许多宗教显然在衰退。在拉丁美洲,罗马天主教甚至一直在奋力对抗福音派新教教派的发展。而且,为了在非洲站稳脚跟,它不得不向十九世纪就已形成的当地习俗让步。福音派新教教派正在发展,但目前还不清楚,他们发展到什么程度,才会像英国不信奉国教的新教教徒那样成为一个较大的进步势力。给以色列带来巨大伤害的犹太教原教旨主义是否会有大规模发展目前也不太明了。伊斯兰教在这方面是个例外。在过去的几个世纪里,伊斯兰教虽然没有进行任何有效的传教活动,但是,信奉伊斯兰教的人数却在不断增加。在伊斯兰教中,我们也不清楚目前打算用军事手段恢复伊斯兰王权的倾向是否代表大多数人的意愿。就我个人的感觉来说,伊斯兰教似乎有继续扩大的潜力,主要是因为伊斯兰教能让穷人感到所有的穆斯林都是平等的。

记者——基督教不也是这样吗?

霍布斯鲍姆——基督教认为人和人不一样。我不敢肯定信奉基督教的黑人是否认为他们和信奉基督教的殖民者一样,但伊斯兰教徒会这样想。伊斯兰教的组织体系更为稳固,激进的元素更多。我记得曾经读到过,在巴西,奴隶贸易主之所以停止购买穆斯林奴隶,就是因为他们不断反抗。从某种程度来说,伊斯兰教让贫穷的穆斯林信徒从心里抵制其他任何有关平等的诉求。穆斯林中的改革派从一开始就知道,没有任何办法能让民众远离伊斯兰教。即便在土耳其,改革派也不得不达成某种临时的妥协。

在其他一些地方,作为政治或民族主义因素的宗教崛起极其危险。比如印度,宗教在印度的中产阶层中盛行,宗教和准法西斯的武装精英及印度教的极端民族主义组织的结合,很容易滋生反穆斯林的运动。幸运的是,印度上层阶级崇尚政治世俗化,这在很大程度上遏制了反穆斯林运动的发展。我不是说印度的精英是反宗教的,但尼赫鲁的基本思想是在宗教无处不在的印度建立一个政教分离的世俗国家。

记者——第二次世界大战前,科学是左翼文化的核心内容。但经过了两代人,作为马克思主义或社会主义思想重要组成部分的科学已被彻底摒弃。您认为,日益突出的环境问题会给科学和政治带来变化吗?

霍布斯鲍姆——我认为激进的社会运动需要科学作后盾。如今环境问题和其他热点问题使人们重新认识到不尊重科学、不用理性的方法解决问题是绝对错误的,这种错误在上世纪七十八十年代盛行一时。我相信科学家们是不会犯这种错误的。与社会科学家不同的是,没有任何东西能让自然科学家参与政治。从历史上看,在大多数情况下,自然科学家要么对政治漠不关心,要么持有本阶级的鲜明政治立场。当然也有例外,比如十九世纪早期法国年轻的科学家就是特例。二十世纪三十四十年代,他们表现得更为明显。但这些都不具有普遍性,而且起因都是科学家们普遍认识到他们的工作对社会变得日益重要,但社会却没有意识到这一点。贝尔纳的著作《科学的社会功能》讲的就是这个问题。这本著作对其他领域的科学家产生了巨大影响。当然,希特勒蓄意攻击科学也起到了推波助澜的作用。

物理科学是二十世纪的发展重心。二十一世纪的重心显然转向了生物科学,因为它更贴近人类生活,所以可能会具有更多的政治色彩。但是,目前的确存在这样一个负面因素:科学家们作为个体或科研机构中的一员已逐渐融入资本主义体系。四十年前,如果有人说他申请了基因专利,简直是匪夷所思。但今天,所有人都想取得基因专利,以期成为富翁,这已使一大批科学家与左翼政治渐行渐远。不过,另一个因素也会导致科学家的政治化,即反对独裁或极权政府干预他们的工作。在苏联曾经出现过一个非常有趣的现象:苏联科学家被迫变得政治化,因为政府给了他们超国民待遇,那些曾经研究和制造氢弹的人后来变成了持不同政见的领导人。这种情况在别的国家出现也不是没有可能,但目前还不太多。当然,环境问题会把很多科学家调动起来。如果围绕气候变化问题掀起一次大规模的运动,毫无疑问,科学家们必将站出来反对那些无知分子和保守分子。因此,我们还不至于满盘皆输。

记者——现在谈谈史学问题吧。在《最初的反叛者》一书中,是什么让您对社会运动的最初形式感兴趣的?您打算继续研究吗?

霍布斯鲍姆——有两件事激发了我的灵感。首先,二十世纪五十年代我周游意大利时,不断发现一些异常现象:南方党支部选举耶和华见证会的人作党委书记,诸如此类的事还有很多;人们对当代问题的思考方式与我们大相径庭。其次,1956年以后,人们不再满足于之前对工人阶级群众运动发展的简单描述。在《最初的反叛者》一书中,我丝毫没有批评之前的简单描述。相反,我指出,如果不使用现代的词汇和习语,其他运动都没办法说明白。在现代的政治词汇、法规和制度出现以前,人们有理解政治的其他方式,这关乎对社会关系的基本看法,尤其是对强者和弱者、统治者和被统治者之间关系问题的基本看法。虽然我后来读了巴林顿·摩尔的《不公平》,找到了如何理解这种政治关系的线索,但我的确没有机会对此做更深入的研究。这的确很遗憾,事情已经开了头,却没有继续下去。我仍然希望能在这方面继续研究下去。

记者——在《引人入胜的时代》这本书中,您对最近的历史发展趋势持有相当大的保留意见。您认为史学现状会保持相对不变吗?

霍布斯鲍姆——二十世纪七十年代以来,史学和社会科学界的思维方式变化之大让我感到吃惊。总体而言,与我同时代的史学家们不但改变了史学的传统理念,也改变了其他学科固有的观念,在历史学和社会科学之间,他们一直在尝试构建一座永久性连接彼此的桥梁,使历史学和社会科学相得益彰,这种努力可以追溯到十九世纪九十年代。经济学的发展完全不同。尽管自马克思和知识社会学诞生以来,我们已经认识到人类并不只是简单地记录历史的真实事件,但我们仍武断地认为,我们还是在谈论客观现实。最有趣的还是社会变革。经济大萧条有助于社会变革,因为它能使人们重新讨论、研究历史变革中经济危机所起的作用。例如十四世纪的经济危机引发社会向资本主义过渡。其实这个观点原本不是马克思主义者提出来的,而是德国经济形势史之父威廉·阿贝尔率先提出来的。鉴于二十世纪三十年代的大萧条,威廉·阿贝尔重新研究了中世纪的社会发展,结果发现,直接引发社会变革的原因是经济大萧条。作为解决社会问题的知识群体,我们关心的是社会重大问题。

二十世纪七十年代,西方史学界发生了一次巨变。1979年至1980年期间,我和劳伦斯·斯通就叙事式史学的复兴进行了一次激烈的辩论。自从《过去与现在》杂志登载了我们的辩论之后,重大的变革问题基本上已被历史学家们所遗忘。与此同时,史学研究的范围急剧扩大。人们可以随意写自己想写的东西。比如各种事物、各类情感以及各种活动等等。其中一些写得很有意思,然而内容大多是琐碎的,写作只是为了愉悦自己。对象很琐碎,结果却不总是微不足道。前几天,我看到一本新劳工史杂志,上面登载了一篇有关十八世纪威尔士黑人的文章。无论这篇文章对威尔士黑人是否重要,文章自身并不是一个中心议题,而这篇文章带来的最危险的后果就是民族神话的兴起。正是这些民族神话使新兴国家创造了自己的民族历史。最显著的一点就是人们常说:“我们对过去的事情不感兴趣,只对让我们感到愉悦的事情感兴趣。经典的例子就是美国印第安人不承认他们的祖先来自亚洲,他们总是说:我们一直就住在这里。

从某种意义上说,这种变化大部分体现在政治方面。68%的历史学家不再对重大问题感兴趣,他们认为所有重要问题都有了答案。他们更感兴趣的是个人方面的问题。历史工作坊就是这种变化的产物。我不觉得这种新的历史观带来了任何重大的变化。例如在法国,后布罗代尔时代远不如二十世纪五十六十年代。新型历史偶尔会有闪光之处,但并不总是这样。我认为英国也是如此。二十世纪七十年代的那种甚嚣尘上的反理性主义和相对主义的声音,我认为就是反历史的。

另一方面,现在已经出现了许多积极的发展态势,其中最积极的应属文化史。当然,我们早已把人类的文化历史忽略了。当历史完全展现给人们时,我们并没有细心留意它。我们原以为可以总结历史进程;但当你再次提及人类创造历史这一主题时,你是否曾考虑过人类是如何创造历史的?是通过他们的实践和生活创造的吗?埃里克·沃尔夫的著作《欧洲与没有历史的人民》就是这方面重大变化的例证。世界历史也在飞速发展。我们已经看到,史学界以外的人们,对探索人类起源问题表现出了极大的兴趣,DNA技术的出现以及研究让我们对早期人类的活动有了更多的了解。换言之,我们对世界历史已经有了真实的依据。传统的欧洲中心论或西方中心论的观点已被历史学家们多方突破。另一个积极的发展态势源于美国史学家和部分后殖民史学家。他们再一次提出有关欧洲或大西洋文明的具体问题以及资本主义起源的问题。彭慕兰的《大分流》等著作就是其代表。毫无疑问,尽管现代资本主义不是兴起于印度和中国,而是兴起于欧洲的部分地区,但我认为这些探讨也是非常积极和有建设性的。

记者——如果您给未来的历史学家挑选从未探讨过且极具挑战性的论题,会是什么呢?

霍布斯鲍姆——http://wen.org.cn/modules/article/view.article.php/c8/3369重要问题总是一般性的问题。若是依照现有的人类古生物学标准分析,人类生存状况的进化非常快。但速度并不均衡,有时非常缓慢,有时却非常快,有时能被控制,有时控制不了。显然,这意味着人类改造大自然的能力越来越强。但我们无法预知,人类的这种能力将会把我们带向何方。马克思主义者把生产方式的变革和社会关系的变革作为历史发展的推动力,这无疑是正确的。但是,如果提到人类是如何创造历史的,就会出现这样一个重要问题:从历史的角度来说,社会和社会制度一直注重社会稳定和扩大再生产,想尽办法防止进入未知的领域。抵制外来变化的侵袭仍然是当今世界政治的一个主要特点。采取措施极力维持社会稳定的人类和人类社会如何来应对变幻莫测、不断发展变化的生产方式呢?马克思主义史学家可能会把目光投向引发变革的社会机制和抵制变革的社会机制之间的基本矛盾的运行规律。

[译者:张春颖:北京物资学院外国语言与文化学院;张卫红:河北旅游职业学院]

原文链接: http://wen.org.cn/modules/article/view.article.php/c12/3369

延伸阅读:http://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n05/terry-eagleton/indomitable